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Open Republic: July / August / September 2005
The collapse of communism and the reduced appeal of even the more moderate forms of socialism has not brought an end to the criticism of capitalism, though the attacks now come from a different source. It is not the alleged science of Marxism that provides the intellectual armoury but morality, something that Marx himself would have despised. For all its success in creating jobs and prosperity, capitalism normally fails the moral test. It is governed by greed, creates unacceptable inequality and social exclusion and destroys the environment; and global capitalism and free trade hinder the development of the Third World. The cause of capitalism has not been helped by well-publicised business scandals. I shall argue that it does not the fail the test of conventional Western morality, though criticism of certain practices are always appropriate, but only the demanding standards of contemporary business ethics, which if fully adhered to, would destroy the efficiency of capitalism. Such things as the 'social responsibility of business', the persecution of inside traders in the stock market and the moral attack on the takeover mechanism reveal a defective understanding of the nature and limits of morality as well as an abysmal knowledge of business enterprise. I shall take Austrian economics as my intellectual lodestar because not only does it provide the most persuasive defence of capitalism in the free market tradition but some of its leading practitioners, especially Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek, wrote extensively on ethics and political theory. WESTERN MORALITY AND ANGLO-AMERICAN CAPITALISM As we know, there is not one type of capitalism but a variety of economic systems that embody property, the profit motive, and the law of contract and tort. Although all capitalist systems work better with limited government it is by no means inconceivable that the free market system could operate with various forms of authoritarianism: it occasionally does, think of China. Some of these differences relate to ethics, or at least are reflective of distinct moral cultures. Anglo-American (or Anglo-Saxon) capitalism is distinguished by its individualism, utilitariarianism and anti-statism. Furthermore, it is universalistic in that it believes that international trade should be free, it has the same logic and rationale as domestic exchange. National boundaries are artificial impediments to the free flow of trade. Hence it tends to be the leading force for globalisation. It favours this for efficiency reasons; it ensures that the factors of production are allocated internationally in accordance with consumer preferences and, although it is somewhat understated, it is in conformity with ethical standards that are themselves capable of being universalised. Its minimal ethics guarantees the right of anyone, of whatever race, sex, religion or nationality, to trade. In contrast, rival forms of capitalism, best exemplified by continental Europe and Japan, are less individualistic and more communitarian in their orientation. Firms are not just vehicles to advance shareholder value, they represent not merely owners but also other stakeholders who might have no equity interest in the firm at all. Managers of companies are restrained by duties that are owed non-owners (employees, suppliers and members of the community in which the firm is situated). The takeover method is eschewed because it would be both destructive of communal values and a threat to those adversely affected by corporate raiders. The ethics and economics of this type of capitalism are not universal. Of course, capitalism of the communal variety can be just as competitive as the Anglo-American type but its internationalism is severely limited. However, despite is coolness towards individualism, the non-Anglo-American varieties of capitalism have produced some outstanding entrepreneurs. Also, they can also be just as immoral in Frankfurt and Tokyo as Wall Street and the City of London sometimes are. In continental Europe there is certainly an absence of shareholder pressure to ensure good management behaviour, just look at Parmalat. It would be foolish to hold up business to the standards set by abstract moral philosophy, indeed business has developed its own restraints and rules of conduct more or less spontaneously, but an understanding of elementary moral philosophy is helpful in explicating the competing versions of capitalism. Utilitarianism, deriving largely from Jeremy Bentham but originating in the anti-rationalism David Hume, [1] evaluates human conduct by the consequences of various actions, not by the motives that inspire them: favourable consequences are normally understood in terms of pleasure, though utilitarians disagree on what exactly this goal or telos should be. It is obvious why the doctrine should appeal to economics and business for here human action is about maximising something to do with wealth. The contrast is with forms of deontology, normally associated with Immanuel Kant. [2] Here ethical principles, which are derived from pure reason, hold independently of consequences. Thus people are owed justice even if this entails a loss in utility. These principles play an oblique role even in the business world, for laws against insider trading (see below) are based mainly on the notion of fairness in the market. Nobody should have the advantage of access to privileged information, even though there may be good utilitarian reasons for the efficiency of insider trading. Modern business ethics tends to take a more deontological view of the evaluation of commerce than did previous writers. These types of principles are inherently intractable, contestable and less persuasive than utilitarianism. Austrian economics is almost exclusively utilitarian, even though a major exponent, Ludwig von Mises, adopted a Kantian view of general philosophy in his rejection any empirical foundation for economic theory. However, in some cases, it is a convoluted conception of utilitarianism. Western capitalism proved to be successful partly because it rested on the minimum of morality. It made possible the sustaining of abstract economic orders in which people are identified solely by the fact that they are traders. Voltaire delivered a panegyric on the burgeoning stock market in London in the eighteenth century:Go into the London Stock Exchange - a more respectable place than many a court - and you will find representatives of all nations gathered there for the service of mankind. There the Jew, the Mohammedan and the Christian deal with each other as if of the same religion, and give the name of infidel only to those who go bankrupt. There the Presbyterian trusts the Anabaptist and the Anglican accepts the Quaker's promise. [3] By adopting such a minimalist ethic, Anglo-American capitalism could exploit the division of labour, develop flexibility and remain open to change and innovation via entrepreneurship. This ethic might be minimal but it is still an ethic. In fact in the absence of such generalised and internalised rules the policing costs of a capitalist system would be excessively high. Although these minimal ethical features are descriptive of all capitalist systems they predominate in the more individualistic and less regulated Anglo-American model. Modern business ethics, with its hostility to individualism, invocation of the community as a source of value not revealed by the market and desire to impose a more expanded notion of morality on market traders, has a vision of the economic system redolent of a pre-industrial, agricultural society in which people were held together by social bonds rather than by efficiency-inducing rules of exchange, especially contract. Such communalism is also productive of great rigidity. footnotes [1] See Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, ed. J. Burns and H. L.A. Hart, London, Athlone Press , 1970.First published 1789. A more persuasive doctrine of utilitarianism is in the earlier David Hume's An Enquiry into the Principles of Morals, Chicago, Open Court, 1930, section 5. First published 1751.For a contemporary view of Humean morality, see Norman Barry, 'Political Morality as Convention, Social Philosophy and Policy vol. 21 (2004), pp. 266-92. [2] Immanuel Kant, 'Metaphysical Foundations of Morals', in The Philosophy of Kant, edited by Carl J. Friedrich, New York, The Modern Library, 1993, pp. 154-229. [3]. Quoted in D. Boaz, Libertarianism: a Primer, New York, Basic Books 1997, p. 38. |
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